motivations for engaging in cyberaggression

1. Read this week’s assigned article (Rafferty & Vander Ven, 2014)

2. answer the question #2: The article describes three motivations for engaging in cyberaggression: sanctions, power-struggles, and entertainment. Please classify each of these three as being an example of an instrumental or hostile form of aggression. Explain why each of these sources matches one of our two types of aggression. (150 words)

3. Watch the videos of two students who did not have the same question as you.1. Your reply can: (100words/each)

a. Expand on their point

b. Add another example to what they are saying

c. Disagree with their point

d. Note something their video made you think of
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Deviant Behavior

ISSN: 0163-9625 (Print) 1521-0456 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/udbh20

“I Hate Everything About You”: A Qualitative Examination of Cyberbullying and On-Line Aggression in a College Sample

Rebecca Rafferty & Thomas Vander Ven

To cite this article: Rebecca Rafferty & Thomas Vander Ven (2014) “I Hate Everything About You”: A Qualitative Examination of Cyberbullying and On-Line Aggression in a College Sample, Deviant Behavior, 35:5, 364-377, DOI: 10.1080/01639625.2013.849171

To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/01639625.2013.849171

Published online: 14 Jan 2014.

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‘‘I Hate Everything About You’’: A Qualitative Examination of Cyberbullying and On-Line

Aggression in a College Sample

Rebecca Rafferty and Thomas Vander Ven

Ohio University, Athens, Ohio, USA

Due to highly innovative technologies such as the smart phone, cyberbullying and on-line aggression

have increasingly affected individuals across the world. In this study, a broad symbolic interactionist

approach is used to study both cyberbullying and on-line aggression. Cyberbullying is defined as

repeated unwanted, hurtful, harassing, and=or threatening interaction through electronic communication media. On-line aggression is defined as hurtful, harassing, and=or threatening behavior that is not repeated. Undergraduate students at a Midwestern university (N¼ 221) were surveyed to determine the extent and nature of their cyberbullying and on-line aggression experiences. By using open ended

questions to inquire about respondents’ personal experiences with cyberbullying and on-line aggression,

we identified three motivations for these acts, which included cyber sanctioning, power struggles,

and entertainment.

Due to highly innovative technologies, such as the increasingly ubiquitous smart phone, bullying

has begun to take a new shape—cyberbullying. Cyberbullying is defined as repeated unwanted,

hurtful, harassing, and=or threatening interaction through electronic communication media. In the past, bullying has generally affected victims within the context of face-to-face interaction

in social institutions. Today, however, technology has made it possible for bullies to victimize

their targets at all hours of the day and without the need for face-to-face interaction. Addition-

ally, because smart phones and other portable electronic devices are handheld and easily hidden

away, it is far less likely that guardians will be aware of the victimization taking place.

Cyberbullying has been shown to have serious adverse effects on its victims. Consider for

example, the case of Phoebe Prince, a 15-year-old high school freshman who ‘‘hanged herself

Jan. 14 [2010] after nearly three months of routine torment by students at South Hadley

High School, via text message, and through the social networking site, Facebook’’ (Goldman

2010). Stories like Phoebe’s are becoming more common in the news. Mitchell et al. (2008)

state, ‘‘media reports of egregious crimes can be misleading’’ and ‘‘can lead to misguided

public policy and overreaction among parents and others’’ (278). While agents of the media

Received 10 May 2012; accepted 3 January 2013.

Address correspondence to Thomas Vander Ven, Department of Sociology and Anthropology, Ohio University, 147

Bentley Annex, Athens, OH 45701, USA. E-mail: vandervt@ohio.edu

Deviant Behavior, 35: 364–377, 2014

Copyright # Taylor & Francis Group, LLC ISSN: 0163-9625 print / 1521-0456 online

DOI: 10.1080/01639625.2013.849171

are quick to discuss the tragedies associated with cyberbullying, they seldom discuss what may

be motivating individuals to engage in cyberbullying or potential solutions to this problem.

Although sociologists, psychologists, and communications scholars are making great strides

in understanding cyberbullying, there are some gaps in the existing literature on the topic.

Many studies focus on younger populations in the K–12 school system (see Beran and Li

2005; Erdur-Baker 2010; Hay and Meldrum 2010; Juvonen and Gross 2008; Li 2006; Marsh

et al. 2010; Mishna et al. 2009; Mitchell et al. 2008; Patchin and Hinduja 2006; Raskauskas

and Stoltz 2007; Siann et al. 1994; Smith et al. 2008; Vandebosch and Van Cleemput 2008;

Ybarra and Mitchell 2004). While a few studies have focused on older populations (e.g., Finn

2004; Hinduja and Patchin 2008; Privitera and Campbell 2009), we know relatively little about

the causes and consequences of cyberbullying among young adults.

However, cyberbullying and on-line aggression affect older populations as well. Another

cyberbullying story makes this very clear: Rutgers University student Tyler Clementi ‘‘leapt

to his death a day after authorities said two students secretly filmed him having sex with

a man and broadcast it over the internet’’ (MacKenzie 2010). Tyler’s story shows that cyber-

bullying and on-line aggression do affect older populations as well, with equally adverse effects.

Also of notable absence in the literature are studies on the actual experiences of cyber-

bullying and aggression. Though these phenomena are being painted in the media as a rising

social problem, and there are considerable studies done on the extent of this problem and

its possible causes and consequences, very few studies exist on what victims and perpetrators

of cyberbullying experience. The absence of this information in the literature creates an

incomplete understanding of the problem. This in turn makes is difficult to create informed

and effective policy to combat cyberbullying and on-line aggression.

A recent study conducted by the Pew Research Center demonstrates the extent to which teens

and young people are using technology that may be used for cyberbullying and on-line

aggression (Lenhart et al. 2010). According to this study, 73% of on-line American teens and 47% of on-line American adults use social networking websites, an increase from a study in 2008, which showed 65% and 37%, respectively (2). The study also showed that cell phone use is ‘‘nearly ubiquitous’’ with 75% of teens and 93% of adults ages 18–29 owning a cell phone (4). It is likely that, as technology use continues to increase, cyberbullying and on-line

aggression will become more prominent social problems in our society. Researchers therefore

must learn as much as we can about these issues. This study strives to add to the existing

academic literature on cyberbullying and on-line aggression. In this context, we use an open

ended survey to investigate the typical cyberbullying or on-line aggression experiences of young

adults, and employ a grounded theory approach to analyze the survey findings.

THEORETICAL APPROACH

Because the goal was to understand the lived experiences of cyberbullying and on-line

aggression, a symbolic interactionist approach provided the theoretical framework for our study

(Charon 2001). One of the basic principles of symbolic interactionism is that ‘‘individuals in

human society were not seen as units that are motivated by external or internal forces beyond

their control, or within the confines of a more or less fixed structure. Rather, they were viewed

as reflective or interacting units which comprise the societal entity’’ (Meltzer et al. 1975).

CYBERBULLYING AND ON-LINE AGGRESSION IN A COLLEGE SAMPLE 365

As cyberbullying is a phenomenon that relies mainly on the use of language, and symbols (Mead

1934), as well as intensive interaction between social actors, symbolic interactionism provided

the most promising perspective with which to frame our study and to guide our analysis. This

choice allowed the researchers to assess the meanings that individuals apply to their experiences,

and offered a deeper insight into cyberbullying than quantitative studies alone can provide.

Our survey instrument was shaped by a symbolic interactionist approach to capture our

respondents’ definitions of their unique experiences in the social world. Rather than provide

participants with a laundry list of experiences from which to choose (which may have limited

the amount of data received), the survey instrument asked simple, open…

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