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The Scope of Cognitive Psychology

chapter 1

The Science of the Mind

The Scope of Cognitive Psychology

When the field of cognitive psychology was first launched, it was broadly focused on the scientific study of knowledge, and this focus led immediately to a series of questions: How is knowledge acquired? How is knowledge retained so that it’s available when needed? How is knowledge used—whether as a basis for making decisions or as a means of solving problems?

These are great questions, and it’s easy to see that answering them might be quite useful. For example, imagine that you’re studying for next Wednesday’s exam, but for some reason the material just won’t “stick” in your memory. You find yourself wishing, therefore, for a better strategy to use in studying and memorizing. What would that strategy be? Is it possible to have a “better memory”? As a different case, let’s say that while you’re studying, your friend is moving around in the room, and you find this quite distracting. Why can’t you just shut out your friend’s motion? Why don’t you have better control over your attention and your ability to concentrate?

Here’s one more example: You’re looking to learn how many people have decided to vote for candidate X. How do people decide whom to vote for? For that matter, how do people decide what college to attend, or which car to buy, or even what to have for dinner? And how can we help people make better decisions- so that, for example, they choose healthier foods, or vote for the candidate who (in your view) is preferable?

Before we’re through, we’ll consider evidence pertinent to all of these questions. Let’s note, though, that in these examples, things aren’t going as you might have wished: You remember less than you want to; you can’t ignore a distraction; the voters make a choice you don’t like. What about the other side of the picture? What about the remarkable intellectual feats that humans achieve- brilliant deductions or creative solutions to complex problems? In this text, we’ll also discuss these cases and explore how people manage to accomplish the great things they do.

The Broad Role for Memory:

The questions we’ve mentioned so far might make it sound like cognitive psychology is concerned just with your functioning as an intellectual-your ability to remember, or to pay attention, or to think through options when making a choice. As we’ve said, though, the relevance of cognitive psychology is much broader-thanks to the fact that a huge range of your actions, thoughts, and feelings depend on your cognition. As one way to convey this point, let’s ask: When we investigate how memory functions, what’s at stake? Or, to turn this around, what aspects of your life depend memory?

You obviously rely on memory when you’re taking an exam-memory for what you learned during the term. Likewise, you rely on memory when you’re at the supermarket and trying to remember the cheesecake recipe so that you can buy the right ingredients. You also rely on memory when you’re reminiscing about childhood. But what else draws on memory? Consider this simple story (adapted from Charniak, 1972):

Betsy wanted to bring Jacob a present. She shook her piggy bank. It made no sound. She went to look for her mother.

This four-sentence tale is easy to understand, but only because you provided important bits of background. For example, you weren’t at all puzzled about why Betsy was interested in her piggy bank; you weren’t puzzled, specifically about why the story’s first sentence led to the second. This is because you naturally already knew (a) that the things gives presents are often things bought for the occasion (rather than things already owned), (b) one as that buying things requires money, and (c) that money is sometimes stored in piggy banks. Without these facts, you would have wondered why a desire to give a gift would lead someone to her piggy bank. (Surely you didn’t think Betsy intended to give the piggy bank itself as the present!) Likewise, you immediately understood why Betsy shook her piggy bank. You didn’t shaking it in frustration or to find out if it would make a good suppose that she was trying percussion instrument. Instead, you understood that she was trving to determine its contents. But vou knew this fact only because vou alread knew (d) that Betsy was a child (because few adults keep their money in piggy banks). (e) that children don’t keep track of how much money is in their banks, and (f) that piggy banks are made out of opaque material (and so a child can’t simply look into the bank to see what’s inside). Without these facts, Betsy’s shaking of the bank would make no sense. Similarly, you understood what it meant that the bank made no sound. That’s because you know (g) that it’s usually coins (not bills) that are kept in piggy banks, and (h) that coins make noise when they’re shaken. If you didn’t know these facts, you might have interpreted the bank’s silence, when it was shaken, as good news, indicating perhaps that the bank was jammed full of $20 bills-an inference that would have led you to a very different expectation for how the story would unfold from there.

Of course, there’s nothing special about the “Betsy and Jacob” story, and we’d uncover a similar reliance on background knowledge if we explored how you understand some other conversation, comprehend a TV show. Our suggestion, in other words, is that many (perhaps all) of your encounters with the world depend on your narrative or follow a or supplementing your experience with knowledge that you bring to the situation. And perhaps this has to be true. After all, if you didn’t supply the relevant bits of background, then anyone telling the “Betsy and Jacob” story would need to spell out all the connections and alll the assumptions. That is, the story would have to include all the facts that, with memory, are supplied by you. As a result, the story would have to be much longer, and the telling of it much slower. The same would be true for every story you hear, every conversation you participate in. Memory is thus crucial for each of these activities.

Amnesia and Memory Loss:

Here is a different sort of example: In Chapter 7, we will consider cases of clinical amnesia-cases in which someone, because of brain damage, has lost the ability to remember certain materials. These cases are fascinating at many levels and provide key insights into what memory is for. Without memory, what is disrupted?

H.M. was in his mid-20s when he had brain surgery intended to control his severe epilepsy. The surgery was, in a narrow sense, a success, and H. M’s epilepsy was brought under control. But this gain came at an enormous cost, because H.M. essentially lost the ability to form new memories. He survived for more than 50 years after the operation, and for all those years he had little trouble remembering events prior to the surgery. But H.M. seemed completely unable to recall any event that occurred after his operation. If asked who the president is, or about recent events, he reported facts and events that were current at the time of the surgery. If asked questions about last week, or even an hour ago, he recalled nothing.

This memory loss had massive consequences for H. M’s life, and some of the consequences are surprising. For example, he had an uncle he was very fond of, and he occasionally asked his hospital visitors how his uncle was doing. Unfortunately, the uncle died sometime after H.M.’s surgery, and horrible shock, but because of his amnesia, H.M. was told this sad news. The information came as H.M. soon forgot about it.

Sometime later, because he’d forgotten about his uncle’s death, H.M. again asked how his uncle was doing and was again told of the death. But with no memory of having heard this news before, he was once more hearing it “for the first time,” with the shock and grief every bit as strong as it was initially. Indeed, each time he heard this news, he was hearing it “for the first time.” With no memory, he had no opportunity to live with the news, to adjust to it. As a result, his grief could not subside. Without memory, H.M. had no way to come to terms with his uncle’s death.

A different glimpse of memory function comes from some of H. M’s comments about what it felt like to be in his situation. Let’s start here with the notion that for those of us without amnesia, numerous memories support our conception of who we are: We know whether we deserve praise for our good deeds or blame for our transgressions because we remember those good deeds and transgressions. We know whether we’ve kept our promises or achieved our goals because, again, we have the relevant memories. None of this is true for people who suffer from amnesia, and H.M. sometimes commented that in important ways, he didn’t know who he was. He didn’t know if he should be proud of his accomplishments or ashamed of his crimes; he didn’t know if he’d been clever or stupid, honorable or dishonest, industrious or lazy. In a sense, then, without a memory, there is no self. (For broader discussion, see Conway & Pleydell-Pearce, 2000; Hilts, 1995.)

What, then, is the scope of cognitive psychology? As we mentioned earlier, this field is sometimes defined as the scientific study of the acquisition, retention, and use of knowledge. We’ve now seen, though, that “knowledge” (and hence the study of how we gain and use knowledge) is relevant to a on our knowledge (and, in particular, huge range of concerns. Our self-concept, it seems, depends on our memory for various episodes in our past). Our emotional adjustments to the world rely on our memories. Even our ability to understand a simple story-or, presumably, our ability to supplementing that experience with some knowledge.

The suggestion, then, is that cognitive psychology can help us understand capacities relevant to virtually every moment of our lives. Activities that don’t appear to be intellectual would collapse without the support of our cognitive functioning….

Argumentative paper

the objective here is to think very precisely. You are privy to the following conversation between Smith and Jones:
Smith: Diversity causes conflict.
Jones: No, diversity promotes cooperation.
Smith: Moreover, diversity causes inefficiency.
Jones: Wrong again! It promotes efficiency.
Smith: Finally, diversity causes poverty.
Jones: Absolute nonsense! It promotes prosperity.

Smith and Jones ask you, as a political science familiar with sophisticated research methods, to adjudicate and decide who is right and who is wrong. How would you do that? In developing your answer, remember to define your concepts, formulate simple abstract causal statements, provide convincing, reliable concrete empirical evidence for and against your simple abstract causal statements, and give a concrete answer to Smith and Jones’ query

For example, if you agree with the majority of what Smith says, you also have to argue against him on somethings. Each cause has to be adressed in whether you agree or not and also providing empirical evidence. Define the key words such as Diversity, conflict, inefficiency, etc while formulating your argument. Remember you’re picking if you agree with Jones or Smith but you also have to counter argue why they may be incorrect in some cases.

module 5 essay human development

Essay: Write a 1000-1250 word essay addressing each of the following questions. Be sure to completely answer all the questions. Separate each section in your paper with a clear heading that allows your professor to know which question you are addressing in that section of your paper. Support your ideas with at least three (3) citations in your essay. Make sure to reference the citations using the APA writing style for the essay. The cover page and reference page do not count towards the minimum word amount.

1. Summarize the impact of pubertal timing on adolescent development.

2. Compare risk factors for anorexia nervosa and bulimia nervosa. How do treatments and outcomes differ for the two disorders?

3. Describe research findings that challenge Piaget’s notion of a new, discrete stage of cognitive development at adolescence.

4. List personal and contextual factors that promote identity development.

5. How does an understanding of ideal reciprocity contribute to moral development?

6. Why are Kohlberg’s Stages 3 and 4 morally mature constructions?

7. Describe the distinct positive functions of friendships, cliques, and crowds in adolescence. What factors lead some friendships and peer-group ties to be harmful?

8. Why are adolescent girls at greater risk for depression and adolescent boys at greater risk for suicide?


Overview

The beginning of adolescence is marked by puberty: biological changes leading to physical and sexual maturity. Modern research has shown that adolescence is a product of biological, psychological, and social forces.

Genetically influenced hormonal processes regulate pubertal growth. On average, girls reach puberty two years earlier than boys. As the body enlarges, girls’ hips and boys’ shoulders broaden, girls add more fat, and boys add more muscle. Puberty is accompanied by steady improvement in gross-motor performance, but whereas girls’ gains are slow and gradual, leveling off by age 14, boys show a dramatic spurt in strength, speed, and endurance that continues through the teenage years.

Menarche, or first menstruation, occurs late in the girl’s sequence of pubertal events, following the rapid increase in body size. Among boys, spermarche (first ejaculation) occurs around age 13 1⁄2, as the sex organs and body enlarge and pubic and underarm hair appear. Heredity, nutrition, and overall health contribute to the timing of puberty. A secular trend toward earlier menarche has occurred in industrialized nations as physical well-being has increased. Brain development continues in adolescence, supporting cognitive advances as well as more intense reactions to stimuli.

Puberty is related to a rise in parent–child conflict, but this is usually mild. Parent–child distancing seems to be a modern substitute for the physical departure of young people in unindustrialized cultures and among nonhuman primates. Reactions to pubertal changes are influenced by prior knowledge, support from family members, and cultural attitudes toward puberty and sexuality. Besides higher hormone levels, negative life events and adult-structured situations are associated with adolescents’ negative moods. Early-maturing boys and late-maturing girls, whose appearance closely matches cultural standards of physical attractiveness, have a more positive body image and usually adjust well in adolescence. In contrast, early-maturing girls and late-maturing boys experience emotional and social difficulties.

The arrival of puberty is accompanied by new health issues related to the young person’s striving to meet physical and psychological needs. As the body grows, nutritional requirements increase; however, because of poor eating habits, many adolescents suffer from vitamin and mineral deficiencies. Eating disorders, sexually transmitted diseases, adolescent pregnancy and parenthood, and substance abuse are some of the most serious health concerns of the teenage years.

During Piaget’s formal operational stage, young people develop the capacity for systematic, scientific thinking, arriving at new, more general logical rules through internal reflection. Piaget believed that adolescents become capable of hypothetico-deductive reasoning, in which they begin with a hypothesis, or prediction, from which they deduce logical inferences. Piaget used the term propositional thought to refer to adolescents’ ability to evaluate the logic of verbal statements without referring to real-world circumstances. Recent research indicates that adolescents are capable of a much deeper grasp of scientific principles than are school-age children. However, even well-educated adults have difficulty with formal operational reasoning, indicating that Piaget’s highest stage is affected by specific, school-learning opportunities. Information-processing theorists agree with the broad outlines of Piaget’s description of adolescent cognition. But they refer to a variety of specific mechanisms for cognitive change, with metacognition regarded as central to adolescent cognitive development. By coordinating theories with evidence, adolescents develop advanced scientific reasoning skills.

The development of formal operations leads to dramatic revisions in the way adolescents see themselves, others, and the world in general. Using their new cognitive powers, teenagers become more argumentative, idealistic, and critical. Although they show gains in self-regulation, adolescents often have difficulty making decisions in everyday life.

Boys and girls do not differ in general intelligence, but they do vary in specific mental abilities. Females have a slight advantage in verbal ability, while boys do better in mathematical reasoning. Although heredity is involved in these differences, the gender gap is also affected by environmental factors.

School transitions create adjustment problems for adolescents, especially girls. Teenagers who must cope with added stressors are at greatest risk for adjustment problems following school change. Enhanced support from parents, teachers, and peers eases the strain of school transition.

Adolescent achievement is the result of a long history of cumulative effects. Early on, positive educational environments, both family and school, lead to personal traits that support achievement. The more hours students devote to a part-time job, the poorer their school attendance, academic performance, and extracurricular participation. However, when work experiences are specially designed to meet educational and vocational goals, teenagers experience positive school and work attitudes and improved achievement. The dropout rate in the United States is particularly high among low-SES ethnic minority youths and is affected by family and school experiences.

Erikson was the first to recognize identity as the major personality achievement of adolescence and as a crucial step toward becoming a productive, happy adult. Young people who successfully resolve the psychological conflict of identity versus role confusion construct a solid self-definition based on self-chosen values and goals. During adolescence, cognitive changes transform the young person’s vision of the self into a more complex, well-organized, and consistent picture. For most young people, self-esteem rises over the teenage years and is influenced by family, school, and the larger social environment. Among older adolescents, personal and moral values become key themes.

Adolescents’ well-organized self-descriptions and differentiated sense of self-esteem provide the cognitive foundation for identity development. Researchers have derived four identity statuses that reflect adolescents’ progress toward developing a mature identity. Two of these—identity achievement and moratorium—are psychologically healthy routes to a mature self-definition. Adolescents who remain in one of the other statuses—identity foreclosure or identity diffusion—tend to have adjustment difficulties.

Lawrence Kohlberg, inspired by the research of Piaget, identified three levels of moral development, each with two stages. According to Kohlberg, moral development is a gradual process that occurs as the individual actively grapples with moral issues and achieves gains in perspective taking. Child-rearing practices, schooling, peer interaction, and culture all contribute to moral development. Maturity of moral reasoning is only modestly related to moral behavior. Moral action is also influenced by the individual’s empathy and guilt, temperament, and history of morally relevant experiences.

Biological, social, and cognitive factors all play a role in making early adolescence a period of gender intensification—increased gender stereotyping of attitudes and behavior, and movement toward a more traditional gender identity, especially for girls. Development at adolescence involves striving for autonomy—a sense of oneself as a separate, self-governing individual. Over the adolescent years, relationships with parents and siblings change as teenagers strive to establish a healthy balance between connection to and separation from the family. As adolescents spend more time with peers, intimacy and loyalty become central features of friendship. Adolescent peer groups tend to be organized into tightly knit groups called cliques, or into crowds—larger, more loosely organized groups. Although it rises in adolescence, most peer pressure is not in conflict with important adult values.

Although most young people move through adolescence with little difficulty, some encounter major disruptions, such as premature parenthood, substance abuse, and school failure. The most common psychological problem of the teenage years, depression, is influenced by a diverse combination of biological and environmental factors. The suicide rate increases dramatically at adolescence. Many teenagers become involved in some delinquent activity, but only a few are serious or repeat offenders. Family, school, peer, and neighborhood factors contribute to delinquency.

Read

Berk, Laura E. (2018). Development through the lifespan, 7th ed. Boston, MA: Pearson. ISBN: 9780134419909

  • Chapter 11: Physical and Cognitive Development in Adolescence
  • Chapter 12: Emotional and Social Development in Adolescence
  • https://bookshelf.vitalsource.com/#/ (nursesloany@gmail.com/Tutorhelp4ever!)

Goals Alignment

  • University Mission Goals-1, 2, 4
  • Course Goals- 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7

Summary

Module five focused on social/emotional as well as physical and cognitive development of the children in the adolescent ages.

 

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